Contains five articles. The first is a speech delivered in the Reichstag on December 18 by a Herr Bennigsev, evidently of the government, replying to an attack by a Herr Windtharst, an ultrawontauist this newspaper's term for a member of the Catholic Center Party on the appropriation of secret funds amounting to 48,000 marks to the Foreign Office. Herr Bennigsev says that Herr Windtharst should know that no government can do without a fund at the discretion of its Foreign Office. Windtharst has also mixed into the discussion irrelevant matters. His proposal to vote down the fund has but given the chamber an opportunity to give a vote of confidence to the present German policy and its director Bismarck, by voting this fund. There is applause from right and left. Herr Windtharst thinks it reproachable in the chancellor Bismarck that he has preferred criminal charges against the press of Herr Windtharst's party for its attacks on him. Windtharst betrays personal animosity against the Chancellor, who takes the matter to court not merely to defend his person, but because his office of director of German policy demands that he defend the creation of the German Empire, which is more under attack than his own person. Applause from right government and left Progressives; denials from center Catholic center party. In these newspapers, now repudiated by Herr windtharst's party, matters are represented as if it were the Chancellor of the Empire who by his revolutionary and bellicose policy would never give rest to Germany and peace to Europe. The events of the past week in which the secrets of the Government policy were revealed do not confirm these newspaper's charges. It is a policy of peace and non-intervention. If Herr Windtharst and his colleagues do not see this it is because their basic presumptions are not those of the majority of Germans and of the Reichstag. They have from the beginning tried to upset the creation of the Confederation of the North, of the German Empire. But their opposition, and the public disclosures of the past week, serve but to strengthen the chancellor's policy. The secret funds for the Foreign Office were voted, 199 to 71. The negative was composed of the center, the Poles, Herr Sonnemann and the ten socialists. The solid vote of the progressive party the left with the exception of but one Sonnemann must be regarded as express approval of the Chancellor and his policy. Second Article, a reprint from the North German Gazette General. After Kullman's attempt on Bismarck's life, there was another. Two letters of the conspirator follow. They are addressed to a French Archbishop by one Duchesne Poncelet, living in Belguim, who promises, if the Archbishop will give him 60,000 francs, to assassinate Bismarck in revenge for the Franco-Prussian war and the Kulturkampf. The French archbishop turned these letters over to his government which forewarned the prince of Bismarck. The Belgian police identified the man. Duchesne was about to enter Germany when he was warned by a German comrade on when the police of Aix had unwisely coscended. Adherents of the ultrawontauist party had contracted an alliance with assassins to slay the head of the German empire. Ecclesiastics and lay lenders whose talk, writings, and actions are illegal, are to be considered culpable when their parishioners are roused by their instigations to plot crimes. The ultrawontain press and higher clergy have abused the curate of Kissinger for instituting services for the well-being of the prince of Bismarck, an act of Christian devotion and partiotism.—-The third article is a letter received by Gerhard von Worzburg, the lawyer who defended Kulmann, from one Gottfried Zolcher of Rhenish Prussia requesting him to pass on to Kullmann an enclosed letter without opening it. This enclosed letter encourages Kullmann and promises that the writer will take up his task of assassinating Bismarck and succeed. — The fourth article is the account of a policeman guarding Kullmann touching remarks the latter made to him. Kullmann assured the policeman that others would follow in his footsteps and within six months would succeed in despatching Bismarck. Questioned before the chief of police, Kullmann said he had spoken of a possibility that others might follow, but the policeman reaffirmed that Kullmann had spoken of it as a prediction.—- The fifth article is a reprint from the impartial German Gazette on the Arnim case. The case draws to a close. Arnim will very likely be convicted. He had political instructions of the highest importance published without regard for the interests of the state. Even if acquitted, which is unlikely, Arnim will have no more political significance or public credit. Arnim and Bismarck can no longer be mentioned together as political rivals. As Arnim's integrity sinks, Bismarck's public credit rises. Bismarck in secret instructions proves to be the same homest man he is in public statements. With hypocritical indignation some accuse Bismarck of egotism, indifference, cynicism. Arnim, under the illusion that Gambetta would succeed Thiers and the Commune would succeed Gambetta, thought it necessary for Germany to work in the interest of the monarchy in France. To counter the charge of egotism the Gazette quotes from one of Bismarck's letters to Arnim advising him to absent himself from all political intrique in France. Arnim disobeyed and Bismarck wrote again giving his reasons: a French monarchy is dangerous for Germany since it can wake alliances. French's hostility requires Germans to desire its weakness, not in wealth or health, but in soldiers and allies. This desire is also to the best interest of France, a desire to save her from another war. To Arnim's fear that the Republic or the Commune might be imitated in Germany to the overthrow of the monarchy, Bismarck replies that though he recognized that the Commune is not in the interest of humanity, allowing it to have its interlude in France can but convice Europe, by contrast, of the advantages of monarchy. A French monarchy, however, would not hesitate to use the propaganda of republicanism as an intrument to subvert the monarchy of other States, Germany in particular. The future of a nation so explosive as France is in itself unpredictable, even without tempering with it. The Gazette concludes that this is not cynicism, but wisdom. The French, too, should rejoice that Germany is the first conqueror in history not to meddle in the future of the vanquished. In the James Alphonsus McMaster papers. :: I-2-a printed newspaper French 1 large sheet of five columns